Social Media and Journalism in Ethiopia - Setting the Scene for Reform

"Social media is the dark horse. Social media has, in a few years, turned the political landscape in Ethiopia on its head not only as a means of mobilising people, but also as a means of spreading rumours, hate speech and disinformation."

This report, written from a journalism and freedom of speech perspective, is intended to be an introduction to the many issues and aspects related to how social media influences sustainable, independent news publishing, freedom of speech, and growth of democracy in Ethiopia. It offers a mapping of where media and social media are at in the country, against the backdrop of intensified local and international debate and actions that seek to come to terms with social media platforms, including their use by undisclosed political forces. The report, published by Fojo Media Institute, forms part of the "Media Reform in a Time of Change - Promoting Journalism and Democracy" programme.

The report explains that Ethiopia has made significant progress when it comes to democratisation, political reform, and engaging with political opposition and the media. Media reforms are also being planned; however, they need to take into consideration a number of core problem areas that generally emanate out of the digital technology shift and the emergence of social media. Among them are: broadening access to the internet; regulation related to publishing responsibility, freedom of speech, and democracy; consumer protection related to data privacy, disclosure of platform data handling, and advertising; copyright of inventions and content; overall media finance when advertising revenues are migrating to primarily Facebook and Google (including YouTube); and media literacy in the light of hate speech, disinformation, and a new range of disruptive, malicious marketing.

The mapping first looks at the reach of the different online media and the technology associated with them, such as the internet and mobile phones, as well as who the online media stakeholders are in Ethiopia. For example, the report explains that Ethiopia had the second-largest relative growth of social media in the world in 2018, which translates to the 16th largest absolute growth in the world and the third largest absolute growth in Africa (after Nigeria and South Africa). Social media in Ethiopia is essentially synonymous with Facebook, which commands 84% of social media users (as of February 2019). Other players are Google's YouTube, Facebook-owned Instagram, and messaging services Telegram and Facebook-owned WhatsApp. The principal online stakeholders in the social media market are essentially: the platform providers who are accumulating data for sale to advertisers and intelligence gatherers (or as an investment for future use); registered users/audiences who are willing to give away their data and are providing content; professional content providers such as news media and bloggers; advertisers who are diverting their funds from analogue platforms to reach ever-growing, captive audiences; and infrastructure suppliers and regulators.

In mapping the social media landscape, the report seeks to uncover how legacy media (newspapers, radio, or television) are dealing with social media platforms. In particular: how legacy media are affected by unfiltered content editorially (in the sense that it is not edited by journalists but by algorithms or potentially hidden policymakers), and how social media data capture and advertising revenue capture play out in the Ethiopian market.

The report explores the extent of online presence of newspapers and television, as well as the penetration of digital media (YouTube, bloggers, online news, Facebook, WhatsApp) in Ethiopia, who is using them and how, and what regulations they are subject to. It also outlines the extent of the government's control over media in Ethiopia. For example, the government controls the media market infrastructure by owning the only printer in the country able to print quality newsprint. It also owns the country's only telecommunication provider, which has a monopoly on voice and data, landlines, and mobile distribution. The "public service broadcasters", the national radio, and leading TV news station are, in all-but-technical terms, owned and controlled by government. The government has, however, voiced its intention to let go of its political monopoly and has asked for assistance with media policy, including social media policy, from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Denmark, Sweden, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US) to draw up a reform plan.

The range of media laws that affect the internet and social media are also discussed. These include, for example, Article 26 in Ethiopia's Constitution, which protects individuals' rights not to be spied on, and Article 29, which protects the right to freedom of expression and right to information. The same article enshrines freedom of the press, access to information, and prohibition of censorship.

To offer a global perspective, the report looks at worldwide legislation and trends on data and social media and offers examples of social media regulation and laws that have been implemented in other countries - mainly in Africa but also in the European Union and the US. It also looks at general consumer protection laws governing some of the major social media platforms, as well as copyright laws. The report recommends that Ethiopia, with its own history of trolling, hate speech, misinformation, and distrust, should find a way to implement similar legislation and to rely on voluntary agreements with the tech industry.

The report concludes with a list of recommendations for the media, government, and all stakeholders. The below are just a small selection:

The media:

• Look into revenue generation in a liberalised market where social media platforms are likely to dig into local media companies' advertising revenues. There are ample examples and networks to make use of, including to form experimental digital media labs.
• Follow international developments, analysing to what extent targeted personalised advertising in its present form will be allowed to continue and what level of disclosure social media platforms may need to accept, keeping in mind algorithm-induced impact on freedom of speech and individuals' freedom of speech.
• Keep up advocacy vis-à-vis regulators and the government to defend independent journalism and its necessary functions in holding power to account.

Government:

• Expand telecommunications infrastructure to the whole country, and lower prices.
• Build trust through transparent disclosure and reform measures in collaboration with civil society and the media. The government has made progress across the board to build trust by releasing prisoners, dropping charges, unbanning websites, and allowing political opposition to operate freely. However, intermittent closures of the internet and blocking of social media nationally and regionally have undercut some of that trust.
• Allow Ethiopian news media companies, in particular, to collect advertising revenue at home and abroad in a manner that supports media sustainability and diversity.

All stakeholders:

• Task the to-be-established Independent Media Council with looking into social media issues rather than focusing exclusively on legacy media.
• Consider establishing completely independent social media monitoring centres.